What I will cover: the hostage’s account, who guarded him, the role of humanitarian aid, indoctrination in Gaza, and the role of leadership in securing releases.

This Israeli Hostage Says His Hamas Captors Weren’t Who You Think

An Israeli citizen who spent months as a hostage in Gaza has returned with a blunt claim: many of the people holding him were not professional fighters. Tal Shoham described his ordeal and the strange mix of perpetrators he encountered. His son was released on Monday as part of a deal, and Shoham himself was freed in February.

Shoham’s family suffered badly on October 7, 2023 when Hamas militants abducted him, his son, his wife, two young children, and additional relatives. The women and children were released in November 2023, while Shoham remained in captivity until February. He has been public about the abuse he endured and the relief at finally getting home.

Shoham told reporters he was “intentionally starved … for sadistic psychological warfare” in an effort to “make us suffer” and “to pressure Israeli society.” Those were not loose words; he described daily deprivation meant to break people emotionally and physically. The goal, he said, was to use prisoners as bargaining chips and to sow fear.

He also said the captors openly stole humanitarian aid meant for civilians, a claim that undercuts common narratives about where relief supplies end up. “I saw with my own eyes that they stole boxes and boxes and boxes of humanitarian aid from Egypt, from Turkey, from the Emirates, but they didn’t agree to give us any of this food in the tunnels,” he recalled. That confession paints a grim picture of how aid can be diverted in conflict zones.

Shoham described enduring “a lot of torture and cruelty” while he was held captive. The physical and psychological damage he recounts is consistent with other survivor reports from the same period.

His memories of the people guarding him surprised many observers. He called them “religious” but added that some “were only there because this is the popular thing to do.” That suggests social pressure and local dynamics helped swell the ranks of participants.

Despite the brutality, Shoham said a few captors showed small acts of humanity, like smuggling him extra food and carrying a message from his wife. Those gestures did not erase the overall cruelty, but they complicated the image of a uniform, trained militia. They point to a mix of motives among captors, from fanaticism to opportunism.

Most of those who watched over the hostages were “not soldiers,” Shoham emphasized. He named a few by occupation, saying one guard “was a first-grade teacher, another was a lecturer at a university, and another was a doctor.” That list challenges the idea that only hardened combatants carried out the abductions and holds implications for how radicalization spreads.

He summed it up bluntly as “normal people becoming terrorists.” That phrase captures a stark reality: ordinary citizens can be pulled into violence, especially when an environment glorifies it. It also raises questions about accountability and prevention.

Education and social programming in Hamas-controlled Gaza have long been criticized for promoting militant views, and Shoham’s account underlines the human cost. The local curriculum and youth activities often glorify jihad and romanticize violence in ways the West Bank’s Palestinian Authority does not. Sports camps and youth centers are frequently named after militant leaders, reinforcing that culture.

Lessons in some Gaza schools feature antisemitic tropes and celebrate Palestinian “martyrs” who attacked civilians, teaching children to recite poems that honor violence. Teachers reportedly urge students to view jihad as a personal religious duty and to aspire to emulate attackers. They are taught that Jews “control the world” while oppressing Palestinians, a message that feeds hatred and recruits new generations.

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